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The choice made by the Malian post-colonial authorities to repress the rebellion, and their refusal to address the root causes of the crisis (i.e., political recognition of northern specificities and a special status for the region), helped to sustain the conflict for years. This group was created in 2009 by Seydou Cissé, one of the main figures of Ganda Koy.During the 2012 crisis, Ganda Koy and Ganda Iso chose to collaborate with the Malian army against the Tuareg, especially in the Gao region.Since the beginning of the Algiers peace talks in April 2014, Bamako has decided to support the GATIA, a Tuareg militia backed by the Malian army (and controlled by General ag Gamou), in order to fight the MNLA. ATT was accused of voluntarily withdrawing the military from the Tin-Zaouatene region (Algerian border) in order to facilitate cross-border trafficking. In deciding to do so, the Malian government gave its implicit consent to a The history of national and inter-community violence in Mali has accompanied the post-colonial state-building process. To compensate for this clear political inequity, in October 2007 Amadou Toumani Touré appointed Moctar El Moctar, an Arab from the Tilemsi, as Minister of Communication. Those communities rarely fought for the same armed group nor were they sponsored by the same key player (Algeria and Libya for Arabs and Tuareg, Bamako for the Songhay, etc). Moreover, by giving to some rebel leaders a disproportionate influence in the negotiating processes (Iyad ag Ghali for instance), Bamako altered the nature of the conflict and fed divisions within the northern groups.Historical tensions between north and south have always played a decisive role in the cycles of rebellion, although other factors have also fed resentment and helped to perpetuate the conflict. Celle-ci était, sans doute, très lointaine au moment où, devenu souverain du Songhoi, l'histoire s'empara du personnage et de sa légende. Excessive militarisation of the problems in the north, the failure to address the economic dimension of the crisis, and discretionary benefits dispensed to a small number of affiliated or friendly clans, have exacerbated tensions. Because of its significant financial resources, collected through the kidnapping of Western tourists and its involvement in trafficking, the organisation was able to fill the void left by the state in the north. The peace agreements and economic incentives given to some combatants in order to disarm them have indirectly encouraged, in a depressed economic environment, a rebel economy and the emergence of local entrepreneurs of violence.
In creating the The next section analyses the dynamics of northern communities, especially the divisions within Tuareg and Arab tribes, which have weaken past rebellion movements and now complicate the resolution of the conflict. For instance, he negotiated the release of the 32 Europeans kidnapped by a GSPC katiba in 2003.See: Morgan, A., Ibrahim ag Bahanga, one of the leaders of the ATNMC, decided to resume the fight against the Malian government after the conclusion of the Algiers agreement. Lui, comme ses descendants étaient et sont salués par les griots du titre de Tounka, Prince ou Roi en soninké. 3 Septembre 2018 Join Facebook to connect with Martin Le Scour and others you may know. Sonni Ali was one of the Songhay princes, 18th leader of the dynasty.
The inability of the Malian government to implement the promises made in 1992 deepened national divisions and the rift between the northern and southern territories.President Amadou Toumani Touré (ATT), elected in 2002, aggravated the gap between north and south and significantly raised the security threat in northern Mali. The lack of reaction, and sometimes the complicity of some Malian political leaders, allowed these groups to prosper and contributed markedly to the deterioration of the security situation in the north.Beyond the undeniable lack of political will on both sides, the failure of the Malian national pact is also linked to internal divisions within northern communities and the continuous attempts from Bamako and the international community to address northern issues as a hegemonic bloc. Foreign interference and the central position of northern Mali in the regional race for Sahelian leadership have also influenced the conflict. This event confirmed the deep distrust between southern communities (mostly Bambaras) and Tuareg or Arab members.The 1990s rebellion further divided the Tuareg community and highlighted tensions that still strongly shape northern communities. The militia was seen to be dissolved in 1996 during the Timbuktu ‘Parallel to Ganda Koy, another self-defence militia was created: the Ganda Iso. C'est par le nom de sa mère qu'on le désigne : Mâmar Kassay . Nominees and winner are …
Their presence in Malian political or intellectual fields illustrates the fact that some northern communities are included in central state structures, even they are numerically under-represented.Because of their past history and important role in Malian politics and the dissemination of Islam, the Songhay and Fulani became very critical of the continuous Tuareg uprisings. Histoire de l'Afrique sahélienne. Not only did the Tuareg try to establish themselves as the ‘voice of the north’, articulating the grievances of every community in the northern regions, they also conducted regular attacks on Songhay and Fulani sedentary and semi-nomadic populations.In the 1990s, during the second Tuareg rebellion, a Songhay self-defence militia, the Ganda Koy (‘masters of the land’), was created to protect sedentary populations against bandits and lighter-skinned nomads (primarily Tuareg and Arabs, commonly referred to as ‘the Whites’). The proximity of his group to the Nigerien rebel Movement for Justice (MNJ) worried Bamako and triggered the creation of the community militias. Boas, M. and Torheim, L.E., ‘The Trouble in Mali: Corruption, collusion and resistance’, To a certain extent, MUJAO acted in the same way in the Gao region. Those differences make it extremely difficult to agree on common discussion points and any viable solution to the crisis continues to be unattainable.